The Wednesday
evening of April 15, 2015, at Penn State’s Hazleton campus arrived a little
warmer than predicted. Those climbing the concrete steps from the parking lot
to the Evelyn Green Academic Building didn’t need their winter coats. An arrow
on a sign reading “Irish History” directed visitors to the Greater Hazleton
Historical Society presentation of “The Irish Experience in Northeastern
Pennsylvania.”
Breándan
Mac Suibhne, associate professor of history from Centenary College in
Hackettstown, New Jersey, opened the presentation attended by almost one hundred people.
Mac Suibhne examined the emergence of Ireland’s so-called “Molly Maguires,” men
banded together to fight the privations of Ireland’s Great Hunger. He discussed
an Irish schoolmaster’s claim, in 1856, of a list of alleged “Mollies”—a list
the schoolteacher shared with the local magistrate, and then received passage for
himself and his family to Australia. Mac Suibhne shared his family’s history
and their integration of the painful legacies of privation and emigration.
Then Mark
Bulik, author of The Sons of Molly
Maguire, used the venue to discuss his understanding of Pennsylvania’s “Molly
Maguire” history. Bulik's account traces vestiges of mummery in Ireland, a
traditional British theatrical form sometimes characterized by male actors
dressed in women’s clothing, to alleged “Molly Maguire” violence in Ireland to
a transplantation of that violence to the Pennsylvania coalfields.
Both Bulik’s
presentation and his book rely on a skeleton of previous histories that
casually accept the guilt of Pennsylvania’s Ancient Order of Hibernian (AOH)
men prosecuted as “Mollies.” Almost all of these previous histories accept the account of events promulgated by Pinkerton agents, in reports and trial
testimony, and in Allan Pinkerton’s fiction, a dime novel version of this
complex conflict.
The
Pinkerton rendition of events from this period has controlled the entire
documentation of this history, including Martin Ritt’s film, vetted by
Pinkerton agency attorneys before its release in 1970. The Pinkerton version of
events focuses attention on trials in four anthracite region counties. Trials
actually took place in eight counties, in both the anthracite and bituminous
regions. The Pinkerton version of events portrays the Hibernians as banded
assassins. Exhaustive research into their biographies suggests Irish Catholic men
who combined compassion with an urge for political reform.
In the
late 1870s, a defense attorney asked one of the few Irish defense witnesses
with the courage to take the stand his opinion of the alleged terrorist group
called the “Molly Maguires.” The witness declared them a fairy story, a tale
generated to entertain and scare listeners. The discussion at Penn State
Hazleton added a new wrinkle to an old story. This time, per Bulik, Ireland’s
alleged “Molly” terrorists wore dresses.
Bulik’s
theory provides the latest red herring in the long, distorted, telling of
Pennsylvania’s “Molly Maguire” prosecutions, a telling often used to titillate
and entertain. This latest theory, as described in Bulik’s new book, derives in
part from a survey of a hundred mummers' scripts archived at the Ulster Folk and
Transport Museum.
The
history of the “Molly Maguire” trials in Pennsylvania’s Allegheny, Carbon,
Columbia, Fayette, Luzerne, Northumberland, Schuylkill, and Westmoreland
counties has its roots both in Ireland and in the powerful hybrid of Irish
Republicanism and American democracy. This hybrid proved so potent it required twenty-one
executions in five counties to halt its forward movement.
Bulik’s
theories provoke in other ways. He informed the audience that Pennsylvania’s
alleged “Molly Maguire” violence arose after an influx of famine refugees
diluted the old “middle class leadership” of Pottsville’s AOH. Bulik’s
references to alleged “Molly Maguire” crimes as “the ultimate trick or treat
gone bad” and to alleged “Mollies” as the “evil twins of the Mummers” brought expected
laughs from the audience.
Many, if
not all, of Pennsylvania’s AOH men charged as “Mollies” were naturalized U.S.
citizens. The youngest among them decorated the walls of their cells with
American flags. They believed in the power of the American system of justice. Up
to the time of their executions, they refused to believe their executions could
be secured through evidence supplied by self-confessed murderers, corroborated
by testimony scripted and delivered by paid Pinkerton operatives. The juries that weighed this evidence included German farmers. Some of them spoke little English.
Bulik
gave a glancing reference to John Kehoe, Schuylkill County’s AOH delegate
hanged as the “King of the Mollies.” Had Bulik stretched his research a bit, he
may have discovered Kehoe’s letter to a Pottsville editor in 1875—a letter that Kehoe wrote from his position as Girardville's high constable. In it, Kehoe urged area residents “to encourage brotherly love instead of sowing seeds of
antagonism which sooner or later may lead to bloodshed.”
A quote
from Macbeth, included in the
program’s handouts, summed up the proceedings for this observer: “… this sore
night / Hath trifled former knowledge.”
Bulik’s
treatment of this tragically complex social justice history—including
prosecutions that ridiculed the protection the U.S. Constitution affords its
citizens—further clouds the discussion of the social, religious, ethnic,
political, financial, and industrial issues that defined it. These issues still
beg for explication.
A dimly
remembered quote from the 1870s sums up the ongoing need in the telling of this
history: “Justice lies bleeding. / Come fly to her aid.”
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